However increases in energy consumption and human population since the Second World War call the wisdom of these policies into question as well as the philosophy of economies dependent on demographic growth. In this thesis I will be concentrating on France and Australia. Prior to this it had taken years to double just the once, from one billion to two billion, between and Even if this does not happen, population momentum guarantees continuing rapid increase well into the next century.
This is because of gains in life expectancy, despite falling total fertility rates. Pressure from population growth and economic growth is causing environmental degradation and massive loss of biodiversity and wilderness, as well as degradation of natural economic resources, such as soil and water in the poor countries of the world.
These pressures are not, however, confined to the so-called "Third World". As per capita consumption increases and where population continues to expand in the old colonial countries like Australia and the United States, the last of the major wildernesses and major intact biodiverse ecologies are in the line of sight of property developers. They are increasingly downstream from high impact developments, and bounded, criss-crossed or pitted by human infrastructure, such as roads, dams, mines and power grids.
For example, the number of people seeking political asylum is rising. The line between political asylum and economic migration is blurring as social breakdown accompanies economic breakdown and the policies developed by the first world countries for determining and processing asylum claims are being overwhelmed and replaced with new strategies.
In a sort of parallel economy, employers in the black labour market are also seeking to attract another class of immigrant low-skilled workers, the very class that the national workers want to keep out to supply labour to those industries that either cannot get local labour or cannot or will not pay the wages it asks for. Nationals fear open policy towards these kinds of low skilled immigrants will depress wages.
The legal immigration of refugees selected off-shore, family reunion, and potential workers, has also become a lucrative international enterprise, which does not carry the stigma or the risks of illegal immigrant trafficking, but which attracts money up front and may be at times nearly as financially exploitative of false hopes.
Some humanitarian groups also seek to take in many more refugees than their governments wish to provide for. For instance, in Australia, the groups which seek to attract skilled immigrants are in conflict with local industry associations, like the Australian Medical Association and Actors Equity, who wish to restrict the entry of such migrants. In France and Australia the groups which seek to attract illegal immigrants are in conflict with the law and the working classes who sense that their jobs and wages are targeted.
The industry that profits by encouraging largely unfounded hopes of legal immigration among political asylum-seekers costs government and tax payers the funding required to process applications and appeals, particularly in Australia. In Australia, the business groups which desire demographic expansion in order to have a bigger local market and the land development and housing industries which hope to profit from providing the infrastructure for that expansion are in conflict with environmentalists and ecologists.
Government also worries about the costs to the environment and of providing infrastructure for continuing expansion. First world countries have experienced a tremendous, largely unanticipated rise in migration pressures. This, together with the economic disparity between the first and third worlds and the growing difficulties of the former communist European states, has challenged the premises upon which the post population and economic policies of the first world were based.
As we shall see, the two countries chosen here for analysis provide, in different ways, telling examples of the way in which changing global conditions have challenged the certainties of the early post-war period. Both relied heavily upon immigration to achieve this population growth.
However the work of a number of writers supports the case that the French immigration program did retain population building characteristics. Her post-war policy had been to develop the European Economic Community EEC 19 as an area of favoured trade and to develop exports further afield.
This idea was particularly favoured by Australian manufacturers and the Liberal party. It also came to be favoured by the property development and housing industries. After the primary idea of governments - Labor and then Liberal - after defence, was economic development within Australia. The idea of a huge local market provided by a huge local population complemented this idea.
Exports were a secondary consideration. The immense mineral wealth of Australia was virtually unsuspected in France kept hers as an important provider of housing to a substantial portion of the working classes.
The French government also had extensive authority to direct the planning of land-use development on a national basis. In Australia the Chifley war-time and postwar government had considered doing this but ultimately did not. Nevertheless the 6 Australian government did go ahead with a federally funded and public housing plan.
However, gradually between and , the Australian government turned almost all home building over to private industry and most land continued to be privately developed on an ad hoc and speculative basis, unlimited by any national planning. Marxism and capitalism co-incided in the belief that humans created as much wealth as they needed by extracting it and moulding it, almost like clay. In both countries much manpower was required - not necessarily skilled - to build infrastructure for industrial expansion and to work in industry, especially in manufacturing.
Very gradually automation decreased the need for manpower here and there. But since business was booming there was plenty of money to start up new businesses for nearly every worker that presented, and automation was more of a choice than a competitive necessity. In France, with the independence of her colonies and with the development of free movement and trade within the EEC, this traditional immigrant worker came to be identified as coming from outside the EEC.
France continued hers to the present day but Australia's lost much of its importance in the mids. Economic fall-out from the oil-shock was to have significance for long-term future policy. Australia and France handled the challenge of much higher oil-prices in different ways, which affected their demographic, social and housing policies differently. The differences in dealing with international changes in oil economics 7 between France and Australia will be described at the beginning of Chapter Seven and are important to the argument in this thesis.
Until immigration had contributed substantially to population growth in France and Australia.. After , when France brought in a policy of zero net immigration from outside the European Economic Community, the contribution of immigration to population growth in that country fell dramatically. But in Australia, except for a brief interruption, from to , high immigration continued as before. Graphs A. This means that, apart from the self-limiting contributions of population momentum and increases in life expectancy, immigration is the only factor that will keep either population growing.
It is also the major factor on which the two countries diverge after My study has two major focuses: immigration numbers as the major variable affecting ultimate population size and land development planning and housing as a major variable affecting immigration.
Land Development Planning and Housing: After in France a building boom came to a grinding halt as demand fell off from the private sector and the government greatly reduced its outlays on public housing construction and private housing subsidy.
Sociological studies since then record changes to the structure and operation and technology of the French and Western 8 European housing industries, but virtually no change of this kind in Australia. In Australia the same pattern of rapid cycling booms and busts prevailed in the housing industry and immigration numbers, though interrupted under the Whitlam government for a short period in the mid s, went on to rise and continue at a high level as before.
The interruption to 'business as usual' for the property development industry and immigration during the Whitlam era was, however, important. The lack of success in Australia of policy changes similar to those which succeeded in France, highlighted the interdependence of immigration, economic philosophy and the land development and building industries in Australia. After lobbying for high immigration ceased in France, although the housing industry there continued to lobby for immigrant labour but not for immigrant consumers for one more year.
A New Subject of Sociological Comparison in Immigration Research The differences that exist between Western Europe and the English Speaking Settler countries regarding land development planning and housing have, for a long time, been uncommented on by sociological writers on population policies and immigration. They have been written about quite often by sociological writers on urban planning and the housing industry, but these authors do not make a connection to immigration politics.
Cities in Western Europe remain distinct, just as their approaches to planning remain distinct. Biological ecologists writing about human population impact on animal populations also frequently write about problems in land-use management. Since Western Europe is particularly low in biodiversity, this omission is not surprising. And so far, to my knowledge, no anglophone population sociologist has yet written of the connection between land development planning and immigration as a factor in population growth politics.
The subject of housing and planning comes up from time to time in French writing on immigration but, since these French writers seen unaware of the great difference in land development planning and housing in the English-speaking settler societies ESSS , no theory has fused these issues to date.
Jeanette Money has noted how the different emphases on public housing in Australia, France and Britain seemed to correlate with different levels of resentment of immigrants competing for housing with native-born, but her main focus is on localised competition for housing and the opportunity this provides for influencing electoral margins.
She also suggests that the property development lobby for high immigration in Australia might be important to the volume of immigration after a volume which she sees as quite small , but, since the focus of her argument was elsewhere, she does not go into how differences in land development planning may have produced this difference.
It could, for example, be applied to the third world to see if, for instance, Chinese development planning deters population growth whereas laissez-faire planning in India promotes it. A study of the land development planning traditions in Fiji bloodline inheritance without the possibility of selling outside the Fijian ethnic community might help to explain the difficulties in integrating the two disparate communities of Indian and islander Fijian.
The relationship between land development, housing, and immigration policy might also be useful for explaining the inaccessibility of home ownership for Australians due to high prices, and the flight to cheaper housing away from the major cities, especially Sydney. See Chapter 8 Knowledge about alternative ways of planning land use and development might assist Australians and the other ESSS to halt the destruction of native animal and plant habitats.
Differences in land development planning systems, however, predated the second world war. Public housing policies diverged early in the period being studied. Unlike the Australian Government, the French Government is not trying to increase its population through an active immigration program and, again unlike the situation in Australia, no significant lobby group in France suggests that it should. Research question and Argument Outline Why have French policy makers taken a different path on immigration policy from their counterparts in Australia over the last 25 years?
Why have they adopted a policy of demographic consolidation while their counterparts in Australia have persisted with a growth policy?
I sought answers to this question by applying a theory adapted by Gary Freeman to analyse concentrated and diffuse benefits and costs of immigration in immigration politics. I describe this theory in detail in Chapter 5. Freeman hypothesised that immigration has become entrenched in systems where its benefits are narrowly focused but the costs that it imposes are diffuse and therefore not easily identified by the public that is paying for them.
Narrowly focused benefits mean that those benefiting from immigration are consciously aware of this and are able to recognise each other and organise to keep those benefits flowing.
Where costs are diffuse and fall upon a disparate population at many different points in many different ways, they are difficult to identify and there are no obvious political rallying points for the public to organise a protest around.
Using Freeman's approach I identified the Australian property development and housing industries as major receivers of concentrated benefits from immigration. Upstream and 11 downstream many other major industries also benefited from the financial activity and material expansion that property development and associated infrastructure engendered.
The situation was almost the converse in France, however. The property development and housing industries showed no interest in catering to immigrants. There was even a certain hostility to housing immigrants and the lack of housing arguably poses an obstacle to immigration.
Why should there be such marked differences in the relationship between property development, housing, and immigration in each country? Further exploration revealed that there was a marked difference in the systems of land development planning and housing in France and Australia.
This led me to theorise that the difference between French and Australian systems of land development planning and housing was a major factor in the different outcomes, whereby the Australian property development industries lobby for high immigration because they perceive that their profits rely on it, whereas the French industry seems to be indifferent to immigration, not perceiving profits therein.
I concluded that the role of the property development and housing industries in Australia had almost certainly been of major importance in maintaining high immigration there after the oil shock, which I identified as a turning point, despite initial attempts to reduce immigration led population growth. In France, however, the absence of reliance by the property development industry meant that there was no strong organised obstacle to a long-term reduction in immigration.
See Chapter Two. There is no apparent conflict between this paradigm and Freeman's theory. According to the New Ecological Paradigm, after an abortive Malthusian response in Australia, Australia took a Cornucopian route and France took a Malthusian route after the international oil-related crisis. Cornucopian denotes a philosophy that the world and nature are infinitely abundant and that mankind will always engineer solutions to any problems that develop.
Mathusian denotes a philosophy whereby natural resources are presumed to be finite and that humankind, like other species, will encounter certain limiting material situations. Humankind will not be able to overcome these with mechanical solutions 12 and will need instead to adapt by limiting its demands on the natural world.
Both these philosophies have demographic and economic expressions. France's Malthusian route was characterised by a strong reduction in population growth, notably through the reduction of immigration numbers, infrastructure consolidation and oil based energy use reduction, with a shift to other forms of energy supply. The system of land planning development and housing in Australia was typical of a general growthist 31 economic approach in that country and would almost certainly have been a factor impeding a different style of adaptation to the post s oil-shock situation, despite an early attempt in Australia at a complete change of approach to one more similar to France's.
The system of land planning development and housing in France, which did not rely on population growth and an economic approach that looked to national security in essentials like energy resources, meant that in France it was relatively easy to adapt the economy to a declining pace of demographic growth and less oil based energy use. Another characteristic of the cornucopian Australian approach was a tendency for public and private overseas borrowing to finance continuing expansion.
In France, to the contrary, where economic activity and energy use were allowed to contract, overseas borrowing was not a major option. An important assumption of this thesis is that petroleum based energy is fundamental to our modern industrial economy, although our dependency on this varies from country to country. Because of this fundamental dependence, it is reasonable to suppose that, since the first oil shocks, there have been some important social, industrial, political and economic adjustments.
The first part deals with theory, background information, and history. The second part elaborates my argument. There are also five appendices, which provide definitions of terms, more detail of theoretical background, and detailed documentation for some of my assumptions, particularly in the domain of French and Australian statistics.
Part I Chapter One contains the introduction, which establishes the merit and interest of the research subject It contains a statement of my research question and argument outline and this outline of the Structure and contents of the thesis.
Chapter Two describes the sociological theory of the New Ecological Paradigm and examines similar theories. It introduces a relationship between theory on ecological limits to growth and actual social reaction to the experience of the oil shock. Chapter Three examines different systems of land development and housing and the residential construction industry, with reference to sociological literature.
It introduces a relationship between theory on land use planning and housing and demographic and energy consumption policy. It describes the issue of the value of biodiversity preservation as a sociological concern that is more prevalent in Australia than in France.
It then introduces a relationship between systems of land development planning and land use planning for biodiversity habitat needs and points to a body of Australian immigration literature that has been written by ecologists. Chapter Four reviews traditional immigration literature relevant to the research question. It highlights some assumptions that are implicit in French immigration literature and evaluates some different statistical approaches to measuring immigration rates. Chapter Six provides a relevant history of immigration in Australia and France before and up to the oil shock.
It establishes the existence of a populationist property development lobby at the turn of the 19th century in Australia and documents a similar lobby in modern times. For France it documents reasons for immigration up to in the absence of such a lobby.
European law has created special legal traditions which make it difficult to limit family reunion and here I introduce the idea that the French system of land development planning and housing may be used to impede immigration to France, especially in the form of family reunion.
The impact of the politics associated with the colonisation and decolonisation of Algeria are also described in this chapter Part II Part II contains three chapters. Chapters seven and eight are the evidence chapters and chapter nine is the conclusion. Chapter Seven contains my theory and my argument and evidence for it. Chapter Eight tests my theory from a different angle, examining the complicating role of globalisation of the property market.
I compare the impact of globalisation in France and Australia and conclude that immigration caused a ratchet effect on prices in Australia which is not present in France. Chapter Nine contains the conclusion to my thesis with some recommendations for further research. Appendices Appendix 1 - contains the glossary of terms.
Appendix 3 - contains a detailed account of the development of energy and oil economics policies in France and Australia and some other countries. In that respect, the thesis will hopefully attract the attention of interaction analysts. With respect to the contextual trajectories of the EU and particularly the EP that the thesis evokes, I believe the results of the study present insights into European Union Studies about the parliamentary behaviour of the MEPs and the functioning of the EP.
The study also aims to appeal to social scientists that are interested in social organization of intergroup interaction since it offers an analysis of the EP as a community of practice in interaction. Last but not least, I hope that the findings will prove useful to ordinary people, the EU citizens in particular, in figuring out how their representatives in the EP carry out their representative roles.
This study consists of 11 chapters in total, the first of which is this introductory chapter. The introduction chapter states the aims of the study as well as describes the motivation that has prepared for those aims. Chapter 2 first describes the data and the corpus where the data come from. Next, the chapter elaborates the methodological frameworks that guide the analysis in this thesis.
Chapter 4 elaborates the formal interactional organisation in the EP with references to the Directorate General of the EP. Specific to this thesis, these approaches to social interaction provide the lens through which I examine the MEPs discursive behaviour as they interact in the institutional setting of the EP. Chapter 6 presents the conceptual basis of the study by defining the ways in which certain central concepts, grouping, grounding, stance-taking, positioning and alignment, are used in this study.
This chapter offers conceptualizations for the purposes of this thesis, based on the rather broad theoretical approaches from which they have emerged.
Having laid the grounds for the study, the following four chapters present and analyse the empirical data collected from Blue-card procedure in search of answers to the initial questions.
In that, these four chapters constitute the focal parts of this study. The analytical chapters examine the recurrent discursive and linguistic patterns in question turns in the EP. Chapter 7 focuses on parliamentary forms of address, where I examine both patterns of addressing and their functions in intergroup positioning. Chapter 8 focuses on prefacing statements, where the MEPs express their intention in their impending utterances.
In other words, this section explores the prefacing systems specific to PI. Chapter 9 maintains the same analytical approach, while it focuses on the types of questions that the MEPs employ in the Blue-card procedure. This last analytical chapter explores the dynamic and temporal transitions in stance across longer sequences of PI. Finally, Chapter 11 presents a summary and discussion of the results drawn from the four empirical chapters, along with the contextual frameworks described in Chapter 3.
This chapter is both descriptive, summarizing the results of the analysis, and critical, discussing the convenience of the analytical approach adopted in this thesis.
The empirical data of this study includes both spoken and written sources. The spoken sources consist of audiovisual recordings of the plenary debates, extracted from the EP website. The corpus of this study consists of Blue-card question and answer sequences applied by the MEPs in the plenary debates held in , during the transition from the shocking first three years of the European Debt Crisis to a period when the crisis had been relatively stabilized.
The study focuses primarily on Blue-card question turns, which are addressed to a particular Member of Parliament during an on-going plenary debate. The study also looks at patterns in response design in order to discover the discursive and interactional functions of Blue-card questions.
Although not being the focal research question of the study, the analysis of the response turns is necessary for interpreting contradictory ideologies and political agendas that are debated through the medium of the Blue-card procedure.
Besides the question and answer pairings, initial scheduled speeches that trigger Blue-card questions provide the framing of the Blue-card sequences. In total, the data corpus consists of approximately 18 h of broadcasted interaction. Blue-card procedure is chosen as the source of data for this study with respect to its distinct features and functions in the parliamentary debates.
The Blue-card procedure enables the MEPs to interrupt the plenary in order to initiate an interaction with the current speaker. Blue-card questions are triggered by scheduled speeches and they are usually asked immediately after the speeches that they are responsive to. The Blue-card procedure, therefore, adds an interactive dimension to the plenaries which otherwise stage monologue performances by the MEPs from scripted texts.
During plenary sessions, all speeches are translated simultaneously into all 24 official languages of the EU. These translations are provided to the MEPs through their headsets. The same translations are available on the EP website together with the speeches in their original languages. The Parliament also publishes under the Rule of the Rules of Procedure the verbatim report of proceedings of each sitting4 often referred to by its French abbreviation, CRE5 that contains the speeches made in plenaries, in their original languages.
English translations of the verbatim reports of the plenaries held until December is also accessible via the Parliament's webpage. I collected my data from three sources: First, the English translations of the verbatim reports were the source I started from.
I adjusted the verbatims to these interpretations in order to accommodate to what the MEPs hear. The corrected verbatims constitute my data for analysis. The third source, speeches in their original languages, provided a further source of reference in case I found any discrepancies or ambiguities in address or reference forms, syntactic variations or lexicon.
Occasionally, I further adjusted the verbatims using speeches in their original languages as the reference source. The verbatim reports of plenary proceedings are not perfectly accurate renditions of the speeches since the verbatim reports are edited versions of the transcriptions, in which repetitions and redundancies are omitted and obvious mistakes are corrected Cortelazzo, ; Costanza, In a corpus-based analysis of EU parliamentary speeches delivered by non-.
A sitting consists of diverse parliamentary activities such as legislative debates, general debates, voting sessions, Blue-card questions, and personal statements. Thus, a strictly written data restricted approach would have given different results than the present study.
Nevertheless, the verbatim reports eased my transcription work by providing a draft version that I could work on and adjust to the spoken interpretations.
I have chosen English for the language of the data with respect to the communicative functions of English as the lingua franca in the EP see Table 1. Above all, the European Parliament is a multilingual setting where the official languages of the 24 Member States are spoken, besides the languages of the visitors from non-European countries. Despite this linguistic diversity, English is preferred by the MEPs whose first language by national affiliation is not English.
A study carried out by Nyroos et al. In order to assure the reliability of the analysis, I have compared the interpretations provided by the EP with the speeches in their original languages. Two of those interactions are carried out in German, one in Dutch, and one in Hungarian. These interpretations are either in English or in one of the official languages of the EU. Statistics retrieved from the EP display that in , comprising the focus period in my research; English had the far most airtime7 with The following table shows time distribution among the five most used languages in plenary sittings in the EP.
Table 1: Airtime per language in the EP. When the speech is in a lesser used language languages other than English, German, or French , the interpretation is made first to one of the three reference languages, English, German or French, and then to the target language. During the Blue-card procedure, questioners and respondents are allocated turns immediately after the prior turn and they are limited to 30 seconds of speaking time.
Such a time limit does not enable MEPs to wait for the whole process of indirect interpretation. It is, therefore, likely that they choose to listen to the interpretation in one of the three reference languages.
In their plenary talks, MEPs prefer English over their mother tongues on certain occasions. The following quotation from an interview that Nyroos et al. I actually had a brief discussion with [Swedish member X] about it last night, because he always speaks English, you know. But I then, you know, I speak Swedish because I speak to the voters and for the record. And it's rare I address someone and those times I do it, I speak English.
When I do it in the plenary, that is. It is terribly obvious, for example those discussions I have had about ACTA, where I was, like, the centre of attention, there were one hundred forty people in there who were just like pecking at me. Of course, I do it in English because then I communicate with them, but normally when I stand there I am talking to the Protocol and to my constituents, and so that I can use it on Youtube or something like that.
Moreover, the MEPs occasionally declare that they choose to speak English for other reasons. One reason the MEPs bring up is the fact that the documents that they would refer to in their talk might have been issued in English. In other instances, the MEPs openly express that they would like to prevent any misunderstanding that might be caused by the simultaneous interpretations and address their recipients in English.
As a result, it is not only English translations of the speeches in real time that are the versions of the speeches that reach the majority of the Parliament, English is also the most used language in the plenaries. From a functionalist perspective, questions accomplish two things: First, they initiate a relation between questioner and respondent Heritage, b, p.
Second, they accomplish various speech acts Searle, Questions rest on a set of assumptions that motivate speakers to ask a particular question, in a particular format, to a particular person, in a particular interactional situation. Given that a question makes relevant a response Thompson, , questioning is an initiation of a social relation that is projected to involve the Self and the recipient.
Such positioning is an on-going activity that is carried out by the two interacting parties. That is, questioner takes a position and requires the recipient to take a position in the next turn. In their engagement in constructing and maintaining intergroup relations, questions provide the MEPs with effective linguistic tools, which can both be used to genuinely seek information or to accomplish a variety of other functions.
By exploring what questions are used for in the EP, the study reveals behavioural patterns in the MEPs pragmatic choices in their linguistic activities and discursive practices. Thus, questions and their answers are essential resources for examining patterns in the ways in which speakers position themselves in regard to each other in their daily practices.
Four main considerations are in play in narrowing down the scope of my research: the language, the time, the modality, and the methods. In fact, before the selection of , I had collected data covering a four-year from until time period and conducted preliminary analyses in the form of three distinct pilot studies. Thus, my earlier analyses involved more data than what is presented in the dissertation.
The insights gained from these pilot studies served as an analytic lens for identifying the phenomenon of intergroup positioning through intersubjective stance-taking activities in parliamentary settings. Although I incorporate both spoken and written data, my study sets out to examine linguistic features, which occur in speakers' stance-taking and positioning activities.
Prosodic features of speech, non-verbal elements of speech, and other models of interaction remain as interesting aspects for future studies.
This is basically because the audiovisual recordings of the plenary debates are not reliable sources for the examination of multimodal features of interaction. To clarify, video recording in the plenaries is only done by the Audiovisual Unit of the Parliament, which provides audiovisual service for media.
Thus, the videos are produced for purposes other than research. The camera does not necessarily focus on the speaker throughout a speech. Consequently, the shifting focus prevents the analysis of the multimodal aspects of the discourse. Therefore, I have limited my study to the verbal communication that was recorded reliably both in written and audio format. The pauses, hesitations, repairs, and other disfluencies that occur in interpretation do not necessarily reflect the disfluencies that occur in the original talk.
Therefore, the transcription does not include pauses, repetitions, repairs which might have been rendered in interpretation. This is not to say that my study does not offer political scientists insight about the ways the EP works. Indeed, the study sets out to show how the MEPs strive to accomplish their political ends through their speeches in the EP, with particular focus on the questioning procedure of the Blue-card.
Finally, the present study is based on qualitative research, although illustrative tables are sometimes included in order to show the ratio of certain patterns of language use in the entire corpus. The speeches comprising the data to this study can be accessed via the EP website. Consequently, ethical considerations in this thesis are the same with those that apply to public speeches.
Crucially, my aim is by no means to evoke connotations between specific names or groups and particular ways of conducting discourses. To show respect to individuals and.
This thesis takes an inter-disciplinary approach to interaction in the European Parliament EP in order to explore linguistic and discursive patterns through which the MEPs pursue their political ends. The study makes use of Positioning Theory, which has been developed in social psychology and Stance Theory that has emerged in linguistics. The thesis rests in pragmalinguistics, applying insights from Conversation Analytic research, and works towards a novel analytical framework for Parliamentary Discourse Analysis.
The research design that I used in this study included the following steps. As a first step, I compiled my corpora consisting of verbatim, simultaneous interpretations, and authentic speeches. For the criteria for data selection see sections 2.
I conducted preliminary analysis on the entire corpus in search of patterns in the MEPs language use. From the exploration of form-function relationships, I discovered that each of these patterns convey stance. The list of the multiple phases of my analysis describes how I have handled my data. The following, on the other hand, offers the reader a guideline to orient to the data. The presentation of the data in this thesis has different components that the reader should become familiar with before reading the examples and the analysis.
In the following, I label those components and mark them with arrows. In the numbering system, i. All examples that are longer than two lines are captioned, informing about the particular debate that the example is extracted from.
The captions also include the date of the debate. The first lines of each turn, begins with the name and political affiliation of the speaker. Here, I take the verbatim reports as the reference. According to this, the extract above is the first example in Chapter 4 4. When the examples contain only one turn in most cases the question turn , the presentation of the data is as follows. After this presentation of the data and the research design, the following chapter describes the contextual background of interaction in the EP.
The MEPs need to maintain their accountabilities by displaying knowledge about and awareness of socio-political events, the political and institutional structures within which they perform their political tasks, as well as public opinion about diverse issues.
For this reason, this chapter presents an account of the historical and institutional setting that the MEPs orient to. Driven by the romantic nationalism that emerged in the 19th century, the modern nation-states of Europe experienced fanatic and painful nationalistic wars twice in the twentieth century. Likewise, official documents, which are meant to introduce the European Union, represent Europe, with restrictions to the now 28 member countries, as a homogenous-self with a collective historical memory, common benefits, and shared values.
An emphasis on a common cultural heritage based on ancient Greco-Roman civilization, the Renaissance, the Reformation, the Enlightenment, and the Industrial Revolution can be found in various documents published by the Institutions of the European Union. As Gerard Delanty , p. The item reads as follows. The diversity of cultures within the framework of a common European civilization, the attachment to common values and principles, the increasing convergence of attitudes to life, the awareness of having specific interests in common and the determination to take part in the construction of a United Europe, all give the European Identity its originality and its own dynamism.
The significance of common political, economic, and social benefits and values have been at the centre of discourses that are maintained throughout the history of the EU. Indeed, it is stated on the official website of the Union that, the effort to unite Europe on the basis of economic cooperation was meant to avoid conflicts among European Countries.
The plan behind the foundation of the Union is declared as follows. Besides official discourses of a common cultural heritage and a collective identity, philosophers like Karl Jaspers and historians like Denis de Rougemont , Hendrik Brugmans e. Is being European a geographical, a historical, a cultural, a religious, or a political feature? The European Union consists of relatively powerful countries with respect to their political and economic potential.
Indeed, the member countries display co-variation among their many features. Drawn by nationalistic motivations, maintaining the national self appears to be a need for the member countries each of which are representing, to a certain extent, diversities in the bigger whole, the European Union. To clarify, the extent to which diverse groupings are willing to melt their identities in the supranational identity differs depending on the project they embrace for the future of Europe.
Three conflicting projects for a future Europe can be identified Jacobs and Maier, , p. One aims at constructing Europe as a world power. Another project advocates a communitarian approach as it conceives of a social Europe with an emphasis on human rights and democracy.
The third project attempts to defend and strengthen the existing national states, and promotes a definition of European identity with an ethnic emphasis. In that respect, the third project emerges as a counter argument to the first two projects Jacobs and Maier, , p. The discourses deployed to promote the three projects are influenced by and simultaneously influencing the creation of intergroup boundaries within the EU.
Times of crisis always widen cleavages among diverse groupings in the EU with conflicting agendas for the future of Europe.
The European Sovereign Debt Crisis is one of the incidents that divided the EU most based on a large body of research on the hazardous effects of the Euro Crisis, see e. Kalemli-Ozcan, et al. However, discussing nationalistic politics with regards to EU politics is by no means among the aims of this thesis. The crisis is often referred to as a tragedy, a catastrophe, or a disaster in the plenaries.
The data in my corpus comprises plenary debates that were held in , when the crisis was relatively stabilized, but the conflicts that it had given rise to still remained. The European Sovereign Debt Crisis was a period of time in which several EuroZone countries faced the collapse of financial institutions, high government debt and rapidly rising bond yield spread in government securities As a global impact of the bankruptcy of Lekman Brothers Bank in the USA, the financial crisis emerged in , with the collapse of the banking system in Iceland.
The Euro countries Greece and Spain were affected already before and the crisis soon affected Ireland and Portugal Cline and Wolff, , p. The EU has been going through hard times since the financial crisis emerged in the first half of The crisis has triggered fierce discussions and political conflicts between member countries MEPs whenever national interests collide.
Having presented the historical dimension of the EP context, let us now turn our attention to institutional specifications of the Parliament in order to be able to demonstrate the institutional constraints under which diverse and often opposing viewpoints are debated. Any time a dean's position opens, the ad administration ministration administration goes through a search that in includes cludes includes meetings with students to go over the duties of his department.
Parks said he will miss the weather, year-round golf, his colleagues, the students and of course, Southeastern Conference sports. Experts predict increase in summer shark attacks By Jennifer Valdes Alligator Writer jvaldes alligator. These beach-goers should be aware, however, that eight shark attacks have already been reported in Florida this year and experts expect more.
The biggest factor that creates more shark attacks is the increased number of people going to the beach this summer, said George Burgess of the Florida Mu Museum seum Museum of Natural History during a press conference in Washington on Tuesday. Curtis said that although Volusia County has more cases of shark attacks than any other in the United States, the number of sharks in the water is not in increasing creasing increasing but is in fact declining.
Most people who have swum in the ocean have been within 15 feet of a shark without knowing it, Burgess said during the news conference. Last year's widespread attention to shark attacks brought a media circus to one of the state's most popular beaches said Ren Morrison, an employee of Nichols Surf Shop in New Smyrna Beach. Attacks in Volusia County totaled , while Florida attacks totaled of U.
The file is a compilation of every known shark attack worldwide and is distributed yearly by Burgess and the museum. Attack of the Dorks The reviews written by Chad Frade in last weeks Audiology weren't writ written ten written by Chad Frade. They were writ written ten written by Chris Kux. We reported otherwise. Im an irresponsible asshole. With that out of the way, welcome to the Star Wars Catch-up issue of Detours.
Because I felt bad about ignoring Episode II: Attack of the Clones last week, Ive decided to make up for it today by devoting almost the entire section to it.
I love George Lucas and all his movies. I even love Jar-Jar. OK, really, what happened was I got threatening phone calls at home from Lucas Arts and rabid Star Wars fans knocking on my door demanding satis satisfaction. Youd be surprised how much pressure a bunch of people dressed up in Ewok costumes can create. Thus, I decided it would be good for my health to make amends.
I was told Master Yoda was ready to get on a plane and teach me a lesson in the Force. Nobody needs that. Luckily, for all of us, this weeks issue sort of came together pretty organically read: with little effort on my part. Props go to Jason Tischer right and Gordon Tarpley, the two maniacs up there in the picture for providing us with a cover.
You guys won the contest. Con Congratulations gratulations Congratulations on being the two loneliest guys in the city. Im sure your mothers are proud. To be honest, I didntintend on putting the winning picture on the cover but, well I really had no choice, now did I?
They went to the theater like that. Props also go to the folks who contrib contributed uted contributed to the section this week, including an interesting and pretty damn funny commentary on George Lucas by Jason Venture and the obligatory Episode II review by M: Gabriel Jiva. Also, in the section this week, a pretty kick-ass concert review on the Pop Disas Disaster ter Disaster Tour by deposed assistant Detours Editor Marc Weinroth and a fancy story on the good folks at Mush Records.
Also, look for comprehensive coverage on Fest by Geoff "with a G Eisler in live and in the calendar. Anyway, thats all from me. May the Force be with you. The proclamation might be incorrect from a gram grammatical matical grammatical standpoint, but it was resolutely affirmed by the 14, fans who trans formed West Palm Beachs Mars Music Amphitheatre into 3 happy-go-lucky festi festival val festival atmosphere, replete with excessive foot-tapping, sing-alongs MUSIC.
Lots of beer. The atmosphere was a strange mixture of teenage bliss and overt angst, evident as much in Green Day and blinks musical mes message sage message as it was in the venues lawn section, which irregularly con contracted tracted contracted and expanded to accom accommodate modate accommodate the frenzied, albeit cliche mosh pits. Os course, when great masses gather, probability en ensures sures ensures there are always a handful of assholes in attendance, like the one moron who exceeded the lim limits its limits of gratuitous crowdsurfing dur during ing during Green Days acoustic prom-ballad Good Riddance Time of Your Life.
The bitching isnt just an imper impersonal sonal impersonal criticism of tasteless concertgoer etiquette. Its also a printed warning to the delinquent punk who inadvertently swung his leg into a certain Detours re reviewers viewers reviewers neck.
You dont crowdsurf forward, jackass. Next time, Ill eat your dog for breakfast and castrate your kids. Or vice versa. Indie Hip-Hop makes its way through Gainesville By Steven Feller Detours Writer In a town made musically famous by ska, Simon's and Tom Petty, lately hip hop has made a case for itself as a plethora of indie and underground heroes have made their way through Gainesville. Limit one per ice cream, I Newberry Rd. Admittedly, the crowdsurfing energy was an appropriate reac reaction tion reaction at a show where even blaring guitars, pyrotechnic explosions and neon lights were incapable of dwarfing the performers.
Although the Pop Disaster tour features a co-headlining bill with the poten potential tial potential for ego-based feuding and un unwieldy wieldy unwieldy competition remember Marilyn Manson and Holes lovely little tea party from a few years back? All frontman Billie Joe Armstrong, bassist Mike Dirnt and drummer Tre Cool did in their minute performance was set the bar so high that its younger counterpart and heir apparent blink had no chance of upstaging them.
Os course, there is a fine line be between tween between exciting the crowd and cre creating ating creating a false, even pretentious in interaction teraction interaction with the audience, and more often than not, Armstrong should be credited with the former. However, lame repeat after me interludes did manage to seep their way into the set, though not nearly as embarrassing as the wardrobes of the bands guest trumpet and trombone players, Doseone, who performs solo as well as with Clouddead, discussed writing songs and going on tour.
Clouddead has gained massive critical acclaim the last few months for their self-titled, album compiled from inch records the band has released since We wanted the glory of something lim limited, ited, limited, Doseone said of the outfits peculiar choice for release style.
Hopefully, when they do the same thing for their next album which will be ready for release soon , they will again release a CD version so that those unfortunate souls without a turnta turntable Student Government is accepting applications for University Committees for the academic year Applications are available in room of the Reitz Union.
Applications are due on Friday, May 31, at 4 p. The fill-in segment was an obvious gesture of fan appreciation, but it would have been easy to misconstrue Armstrongs assurance to a pro prospective spective prospective bass substitute that he only had to know three chords as a mockery of its own music three chords serve as the framework for the majority of Green Days simple guitar-driven songs. The nights other pop-punk trio used the most of its hour-long time slot, playing a song set domi dominated nated dominated by tracks from its most re recent cent recent album, Take Off Your Pants And Jacket.
Read the title aloud. Read it again. If you still dont get it, stop reading. As a vocalist, however, Delonges high-pitched tenor is a perfect compliment for the upbeat zest of All the Small Things and First Date. He and blinks other singer, bassist Mark Hoppus, who was flawless behind the mic on cuts like Rock Show and Stay Together For The Kids, were up upstaged staged upstaged by an unlikely source: drummer Travis Barker, whose set lifted into the air and spun upside ble turntable can check out the tunes as well.
On first listen, the latest Clouddead album sounds like a mish-mash of fi sampling, under produced beats and rambling MCs. On the second listen, it becomes clear that while the beats do trudge along, never get getting ting getting too hard or fast, the production, simple as it may sound, is disgustingly deep.
Samples come from all places and run through every bit of the songs, including one frightening especially at 3 a. The MCing sometimes sounds like too m. M down during the last two songs, a stunt that invoked memories of Tommy Lees circa Motley Crue days long before you saw his shlong in that video. Arizona emo quarter Jimmy Eat World kicked off the show with a nine-song set marked as much by brevity as it was by melodic prow prowess.
The performance was unfortu unfortunately nately unfortunately overshadowed by both the harsh light of day and a relatively sparse audience fans were still tunneling their way through the gates and past security guards waving metal detector wands in places they shouldnt. While fans finally began to move around only during the bands breakthrough chart single The Middle," the dy dynamic-shifting namic-shifting dynamic-shifting Sweetness and jo jovial vial jovial The Authority Song emerged as the true highlights.
Well sit and write a series of poems, sometimes together and sometimes not, Doesone said. But I think were more co cohesive hesive cohesive together. The we refers to the rest of the group, Odd Nosdam and Why?
The fact this is poetry, and not lyrics writ written ten written for a party song or any other sort of sorg for that matter , explains a lot. It also makes the lyrics worth reading, even when the re record cord record isnt playing at the same time. Enjoy our re relaxed laxed relaxed casual dining inside or on our garden patio with live music on the patio, call for schedule. Near Univ Station Post Office.
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M, T pm W-Sat llpm. Live Entertainment Sat. Closed Sun. Come and enjoy our smoke-free indoor dining area, spa spacious cious spacious front lawn or intimate decks. Daily Food and Drink Specials. We deliver lunch and dinner M-Sun llam-lOpm. First of all, nobody really has a clue what our parents were like when they were young. They tell us when they went out they were responsible.
They did go out dancing but not too close. They didnt drink or smoke, and they never slept together until they were married. My kids roll their eyes and say "enough about Grampa. What about you? Oxford Coffee Company 'The Ox' has the best coffee in town, at the best prices! Beautiful building, games galore, and the chillest study digs in all of Gainesville.
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Now Open, Mediterranean Groceries at W. Mexican Ashley's Pub Jumbo margaritas and chicken wings our specialty! Ashley's is open till 2am 11pm Sun. Enjoy burritos, enchiladas, quesadillas and chimichangas plus burgers and sandwiches! Sporting events on our big screen. Carry-out available. Open 7 days, llam-lOpm. Featuring fajitas, quesa quesadillas, dillas, quesadillas, burritos. Stop by for our early bird specials Mon-Fri Located blocks from campus at SW 13th St.
Deep dish and New York style. From cheese slice to the Florentine. Pastas, salads and calzones. All ready to eat. Whole pizzas always available. The Town, contact Laura Fleites at Not to say that The Phantom Menace was a bad movie, quite the contrary, but it was a bad movie when compared to the original trilogy. At Attack tack Attack of the Clones, however, does much to redeem the genre, and turns out to be un undoubtedly doubtedly undoubtedly better than its predecessor.
If youre reading this and you havent seen the movie yet chances are youre not the biggest Star Wars fan around, and that youll want some perspective. The whole thing obviously begins in Episode I. The Republic has been in existence some years, the Jedi are the galactic state troop troopers, ers, troopers, and the Senate is the equivalent of our Congress, with the Supreme Chancellor as the equivalent of our president. So lets say that you, a regular person who dabbles in the black arts the Dark Side of the Force , want to take over the known universe.
What would you do? Well, if you were Palpatine, you would start by calling yourself Darth Sidious and get elected to Senate.. Lucas' money machine lacks appropriate Force By Jason Venture Detours Writer By the time George Lucas finally began work on his trilogy of Star Wars prequels, he knew he was so filthy rich he could afford the lux luxury ury luxury of making shit and still gener generating ating generating a profit that didnt reflect the actual quality of the work.
Most oeople gave Lucas the ben benefit efit benefit of the doubt in addition to a lot of their money on The Phantom Menace. Sure, Attack of the Cloneshad to be better He gets the Trade Federation, to put an embargo on his insignificant home planet, Naboo.
Knowing full well the bureau bureaucratic cratic bureaucratic red tape wont do anything to stop this perfectly legal blockade, he gets the Trade Federation to send in thousands of robot troops to invade Naboo.
The young queen Amidala, mad that the Senate wont do any anything thing anything to help her planet, calls for a vote of no confidence in the current chancellor, and paves the way for Palpatine to become the new chancellor. This, she thinks, will en ensure sure ensure that her planet will be safe and free. More wrong she could not be. The next phase of Palpatines plan takes place in Epi Episode sode Episode 11, and its even more involved. He got some people to make an army of clones about a million of them in the name of the Jedi Council.
At the same time, Dooku, pos posing ing posing as Darth Sidious enemy, befriends the Trade Federation that Sidious had betrayed. He convinces them they have to raise an another other another droid army, but much bigger, in order a galaxy far far away from the origi original nal original Star Wars films. It's no secret that the new films will never live up to the old ones, and that is where Lucas screwed up big time. Lucas could have just as easily made sequels and just as much money, probably more.
Though hes always made it clear he in intended tended intended to make Episodes I, II and , the overall transition to sequels even if they are supposed to take place 40 years after Return of the Jedi could have restored the se series ries series feeling of natural progression that the new films lack so far.
The sequels could tell a new story just like the prequels are trying to, but with familiar-yet-aged characters Mark Hamill, Carrie Fisher, Harri Harrison son Harrison Ford and Billy Dee Williams all still look good alongside new ones. Right idea, wrong stories. After Episode comes out and everyone can finally watch all the films in order, the difference in quality between the new and the old will become more apparent. Sure, The Phantom Menace and Attack of the Clonesare amazing to look at, but they are filled with more excruciating dialogue, wooden acting and annoying char characters acters characters than any single one of the original films.
Star Wars used to be about characters, piystery and special ef effects. Now, its all about the spe special cial special effects. And we already know everything that is going to happen anyway, so what's the point?
The only naturally human char character acter character that even seems true to the original films is Ewan McGregor's Obi-Wan Kenobi. So, at this point Palpatine managed to raise two opposing armies and start a war.
What everyone doesnt know is that the two armies already exist. As far as the public is concerned, a few thousand star systems are ready to secede from the union. So, in order to protect the peace and the Republic, the Senate, at Jar-Jars request, gives Palpatine Kabuki mask-like face paints, intricate hair styles or even some sexy mid-drift action will never convince anyone Natalie Portman is as cool as Princess Leia. The portrayals of Jake Lloyd and Hayden Christensen as the youn younger ger younger Darth Vader are just not as in interesting teresting interesting or as complex as they should be, hindering the sympathy you developed for him slightly in the past films and mostly during his redemption and death in Jedi.
And Lucas knows this. Now, these movies are just about how much glossy shit Lucas can have whizzing around in the emergency powers. Thus begins the de descent scent descent of the Republic into the Empire we all know and love. However, thats not the only reason to see the movie. The biggest reason to see Attack of the Clones is to see Yoda fight.
Thats right That was worth the ticket price alone. What made the original Star Wars films great both for fans and Lucas pocket was their staying power over the years. With the lat latest est latest films, Lucas has caved into the fast-money filmmaking that cor corrupts rupts corrupts the cinema of now by making bubble-gum features that the audi audience ence audience can chew up for awhile and then spit out as soon as they are through.
Maybe that can all change with Episode , but for now Lucas has the real Star Wars trilogy to thank for his success, and it is the only reason he isnt getting laughed at right now. Damn, we're hot.. Something like , partiers are expected to converge on Miami Beach this Memorial Day weekend, potentially dwarfing the record crowds that stuffed the citys south southernmost ernmost southernmost beaches last year.
Diddy, the masses got Wild on South Beach for a weekend, causing gridlock in the clubs and streets during the day, and large-scale brawls at night. A good time was had by all. Except LIVE for those poor retirees who happened to live n the same neighborhoods where, accord according ing according to one travel agents Web site, about , black professionals, bailers and goldiggas, thugs and hoochies, bustas and chickenheads decided to congregate for an extended weekend of indulgently livin it up.
The brainchild of local scenester Tony Weinbender, perhaps Gainesvilles very own Luther Campbell, the goal of this weekend's fest is modest: to give the good people of Gainesville something to do, and a bit of vari variety ety variety for them to choose from.
Weinbender has successfully organized two comparable college radio festivals in Virginia and is con confident fident confident if he could pull off such an event in a town like Harrisonburg, he sure as hell can do it in Gainesville, Rock City. Gainesville is the most ideal place, Weinbender said. Not many other towns are this laid back and relaxed, have this many music venues and this many local bands that rule. You come to Gainesville and -calendar. You have a fuckload of a good time.
This particular Fest should not be con confused fused confused with the annual Gainesville Fest that takes place in December and features two days of like-minded bands cut mostly from the same shitty-hardcore cloth.
Besides be being ing being a multiple venue event comprised of acts from a variety of rock-oriented genres, the major difference between this Fest and that other one is clearly the smorgasbord of local talent scheduled for this weekend. Overall, the impression one gets is that this fest is for Gainesville while the Gainesville Fest just happens to be here.
Even though I can see [the local bands] any time, for once I get to watch them play to kids I wouldnt normally get to see them play in front of," said Weinbender, emphasizing the diverse audience large-scale festivals tend to attract. Its always nuts to see kids from out of town come and see Army of Ponch or Mercury Program play in Gainesville.
MAY Weinbender has booked roughly 60 na national tional national and local bands, set to play at no fewer than five venues scattered along or nearby University Avenue, but he warns Fest-goers not to make plans strictly based on what the official program might tell them, ff Gainesville wants it, the kids will do it, Weinbender warns.
In other words, keep eyes and ears peeled for one of those spur-of-the-moment eight-band, multiple keg, late night foam parties Ed note Sweet! Web: grove. Some utilities incl. Individual leases, roommate matching. Now leasing for Fall! Union Properties, Inc. Cable, utils incl. Male roommates only. Lv msg. Dead-end street, safe neighborhood. Call Pets allowed. First, there was the enormous public reaction to the live export of animals from British ports.
Journalists expected such events to be dominated by the usual suspects, Earth First campaigners, die-hard Greenpeace and animal rights groups, local RSPCA chapters.
But these events were newsworthy simply because of the social diversity and range of protesters and also because of the expression of such passion by people world famous for their quiet, apolitical lives, their restraint and public decorum. Again, in the USA and Australia the unthinkable has happened: ordinary people have expressed an historically unusual antipathy towards hunting and extensive and rapid legislations have banned many forms of hunting across both nations Franklin b.
Much of this has been achieved on the basis of actions and votes in civil society with very little action from the big animal rights groups.
All across the UK the new road building plans of the s created a furore not so much at a national level, but as they affected small locales, old country haunts, picnic spots, favourite walks, leafy glades and the spaces of romantic and sexual memories. Often it would be revealed that these spaces contained rare communities of butterflies or rarely seen plants and it is perhaps the first time that British people have turned out in their droves in support of the rights of insects to continue unmolested in their localities.
It does not take a new sociology of nature to make this point; it is already extensively out there in popular culture. Among the most widely read novels, for example, are crime thrillers. Taking just a handful of the best-known authors in this genre, we find that the politics of nature and its highly democratic and popular social base have featured centrally in their recent novels. When he was a child people had caught them with a net, gassed them in killing bottles, attached them to cards on pins.
It seemed appalling now. Only a few years ago people who opposed bypasses were looked on as cranks, loony weirdos, hippy dropouts, and their activities on a par with anarchy, communism and mayhem. That too had changed. This device, of course, underlines the truly moral, upstanding, respectable and mainstream character of the issue at hand. However, it is also worth mentioning that there are few dissenting voices against nature protesters. The developers, road builders and politicians comprise the bad guys, but even they are directed to express regrets; that they are only doing their jobs.
The Hyde Park rally of 1 March comprised a large number of rural and urban people affiliated to and organised by a number of traditional field sports organisations.
Although they were ostensibly rallying to oppose proposed legislation to ban fox hunting, the issue was much wider, to do with protecting traditional hunting relationships with the natural world, preserving rural sports and leisures, with continuing to have an active, consumptive relationship with the natural world.
They complained about an essentially urban set of sentiments and constituencies dictating to rural culture how they should behave with respect to the natural world.
They emphasised also their custodial relationship with nature and the conservational basis of hunting activities.
Meanwhile, the animal rights groups featured in what seemed like Pythonesque and surreal new frontiers for action. British newspapers showed frog-suited activist divers disrupting a line of bewildered pensioners fishing in their local canal. However, it is not only in the political and protest spheres that one can detect change. One senses, from a number of diverse sources, that older relationships and the boundaries between humans and non-humans have been questioned and are now being rejected both in theory and in practice.
Two recent major UK television productions, one a drama, the other a natural history documentary, illustrate this shifting terrain. Nature Boy was a drama set in a northern British town featuring all the grime and grimness of a former industrial landscape and all the social pathologies of de-industrialisation, mass unemployment, community collapse, familial mayhem and neighbourhood chaos. Against this, the hero, David, finds beauty, friendship and order among the animals, birds, fish and flora in the nearby wastelands of the local estuary sandflats.
Flashbacks establish that as a young boy he was first introduced to the techniques of fishing, snaring and to a nature aesthetic by his now estranged father and these continue into the present with his friend, a local hermit who lives on the estuary.
David finds escape and solace in nature. His natural relation with non-humans descends directly from local rural culture via his father and it highlights the continuation of such links and the persistence of natures even on the edges of former industrial zones and inside urban cultures.
Nature Boy challenges, therefore, the putative boundaries between urban and rural, nature and culture and true nature and sullied nature. This story reminds us that imperfect natures of this kind are the backdrop to the lives of most people, that their closest and strongest dealing with the natural world are through their gardens and backyards, through allotments, pigeon lofts, dog walks, through the scraps and bits of nature along railway lines, roads, old industrial zones, canal banks and coastal wastes.
It reminds us also that we are never properly at home in such places; their natures are unfamiliar to us, the land belongs to others, notably the rural gentry and the middle classes who can afford the necessary dress codes for countryside leisures , the touristic pathways are restricted by rules and practices that discipline the body to keep to paths, not to touch, pick, take or otherwise disturb. It is a nature inaccessible in a fully sensed and dwelt-in manner. When we reflect on Nature Boy we must surely conclude that the academic accounts of the relations between the human and natural world are lacking this anthropological depth, this ethnographic sense of practices on the ground or its variable and contested nature in complex nations such as the USA and Britain.
Certainly there has been little focused research on everyday relations, beliefs and practices. To begin with, for obvious reasons to do with the dramatic impact of the green movement in the s, many recent books conflate nature and environment. Finally, in Macnaghten and Urry we see a more complete sociological treatment of the relationship between nature leisures and the environment. Conflating nature with the environment also means that the agenda for research becomes driven by what environmentalists decide is important and what scientists deem is of environmental consequence see Wynne Increasingly, the science—environmentalist discourse on nature has taken on a very unified content and agenda, with environmentalism itself very strongly directed by science and scientists.
Environmentalists are much like romantic writers in the nineteenth century in that they tend to identify, promote and defend areas of pristine wilderness and of other pure natures such as forests, areas of sea, wetlands etc.
Theirs are the truly scandalous coalfaces on the human—nature boundary. Urban cultures are of interest only in their capacity as a danger to these fragile marginal natures through tourism and leisure. Even here the practices, beliefs and conceptions of people come a poor second to what is deemed to be their impact, usually adverse, on the natures they insist on visiting. Hence the social issues tend to be the demographics of ecotourism, the impact of ecotourism and especially questions to do with management and control of visitors.
Urban cultures are also of interest, again, not for their actual relationships with the natural world but for their expressed values in relation to extant environmental issues. These are significant only in the sense that they are the most powerful electoral force in most nations and such studies drive, as Macnaghten and Urry argue, a very one-sided and abstract knowledge of nature and modern cultures.
Cities themselves are also of interest but the extent to which it is a social interest is also very limited. Thus one of the most staggering nature— human interfaces, gardening, has been ignored almost completely. Of more scandalous importance are issues to do with pollution, cities as sources of environmental problems or the brown environmental agenda: car usage; heating and pollution; emission of CFC gases from domestic appliances; suburban sprawl and invasion of bush and countryside; pollution of waterways by dog and other pet faeces; water usage and conservation; introduced pest species pets, plants etc.
Again, people tend to be cast as the cause of the problem for nature with research tending to focus more on management and control issues such as the collection of dog faeces, recycling behaviour, environmental action groups, changing uses of domestic cleaning agents and so on Baldassare and Katz ; Berger ; Derksen and Gartrell ; Ungar Most new sociological publications on nature and environment tend to conflate nature with environment.
In other words, the environmental crisis must be the framework around which we think of a sociology of nature. Such a view penetrates his analysis of the American suburban garden as an impoverished, standardised, polluting and unnatural phenomenon. As we will see this is a travesty of the true picture of the condition of American gardening cultures, but the environmentalist concerns require that environmental and human problems be found.
Indeed, they are notable mainly for their passionate and heated debates with social constructivist accounts of the human—nature relation because in identifying a social as opposed to an environmental content to the science and practice of environmentalism, social constructivists are accused of confusing or even denying the real issue which is quite clearly in their view, the inescapable reality of an environmental crisis see Burningham and Cooper for a complete history of these skirmishes.
While realist sociologists wish to attend to and practice an environmental ethics and to avoid investigations of society as if it were limited only by social relations, they have tended to stifle rather than encourage the sort of research that sociology can usefully conduct.
In this regard, the sociology of scientific knowledge has a better track record in attempting to break down the epistemological boundaries of modernity that have so far trapped sociology inside a circularity of the social. Far from taking the lead from Latour and Braun and Castree who deny the modern insistence on the proper separation of nature from culture, realists find themselves vulnerable to criticism because they want to uphold and defend a pure and unsullied nature against a disordered and sick humanity.
Although some sociology continues to exist in this disembodied form, between them the sociologies of the body, scientific knowledge, dwelling, space and performance have established a formidable agenda and it is from these that some of the more promising work on nature has derived in recent years. They eschewed the unproductive tension between constructivist and realist debates arguing instead that nature is always and everywhere socially constructed but it also a performed as well as a lived or dwelt experience.
However Macnaghten and Urry have produced a fully sociological account of the human—nature interface and analyse the socially embedded, sensed and contested character of these natures. As such this is a return to the sanity and clarity of writers such as Williams and K.
Thomas who had the advantage of writing in an earlier period when environment was not an all-encompassing and urgent project. This is more, one suspects, an artefact of the research projects that informed this book than a clear intention. Here is another very significant set of practices that relate historically to many threads of modernisation and the production of a civil society.
In this version, nature in its guise as countryside and environment is made to be an other to the metropolitan centre and constructed to be the disciplined and ordered playground for politically benign but denatured metropolitan cultures. Muscular leisures, combined with contemplative sensual technologies of the body and aesthetic appreciation, in league with improving recreations such as field naturalism, botany, ornithology, beach combing, flower pressing and butterfly collecting provided a sober and useful stock of human social capital.
Nature was to teach us all not how to escape from an industrial capitalist society but how to cope with it, recoup from it, acquire the skills and techniques consistent with it. However, there is very little in their account that goes on between humans and the natural world elsewhere — whether in town, homes or in hinterlands. And here our approach must depart somewhat from theirs. Nature in their account is given particular, largely touristic or environmentally significant spatial settings.
Again there is a tendency on the one hand to follow in the footsteps of environmentalists into the endangered areas and, on the other hand, to follow nature tourists, walkers especially walkers and other nature leisures into the preserved areas of natural significance, parks, National Trust lands and so forth.
The plates in the book all contribute to the general sense that when we talk about nature we are talking about fields, forests, wild areas — places in some sense separated from the living spaces and everyday of civil society.
Even in their very brief section on animals the focus is on countryside landscape animals and the issues affecting them such as road building and live animal exports.
The present book is informed by the conceptual developments in Contested Natures but in writing a book that secures a better sociological angle on the politics of nature Macnaghten and Urry have tended to write out as much as they include.
The natures of the everyday include companion animals; the plants, trees and shrubs planted and tended in every household; the walks among natural communities in parks and other patches of nature in and around towns; the daily practices of eating foods and urban trends towards natural and organic foods; soothing, healing and relaxing our bodies with natural products, lotions and medicines; surfing on local suburban beaches, exercising along jogging tracks, skating and running tracks or fishing in local ponds and streams; feeding our local wild birds and animals; walking, sitting, picnicking and making love in innumerable natural settings that have been designed and provided on our own doorsteps.
The social accounts of nature understood as environment and tourism fail to penetrate these everyday natures and produce skewed accounts of so-called attitudes and values on the natural world. In this book we will be looking closely at what we can learn from other disciplines such as anthropology and methods such as ethnography. Using the Heideggerian concept of dwelling as modified by Ingold , they are able to show, particularly in the European countryside, how the natural world is deeply modified and shaped by humanity and thus how humanity is embedded in nature rather than separable from it.
Although their book does focus more on environment and countryside, the concept of dwelling cannot be confined to rural spaces and indeed, Ingold referred to his suburban dwelling even in the process of his writing. It is also beginning to appear in the genre of wildlife documentary making that has, until recently, strictly maintained the nature—culture boundary for popular culture.
An example of the new approach is Living Britain. Living Britain was, in many senses, a revolutionary natural history documentary because it avoided the fiction and ideal of a humanity separated from the natural world.
Indeed, it showed for the first time how, in a small industrial island of 65 million people, nature and humanity combine to form a set of distinctive and historically specific natures. In this film, nature is not made to seem ideally primordial, steady and good; neither is humanity made to seem modern, destabilising and bad. As compensation for the certainties that the physical sciences once aspired to, however, the world which is now materialising is more deeply imbued with creative and selfgenerative properties than at any other stage of our modernity; it is a restless, turbulent, unfinished place which promises surprises in perpetuity.
Clark a:1 What is so striking about this documentary is the hybridity of nature, how impossible it is to disentangle the human from the non-human. When filmmakers do not insist on entirely human-free shots to depict nature it is surprising how much nature comes into view. Hence one of the strongholds for the otter in Europe is close to the oil terminals of the North Sea oil industry in the Shetland Isles. Wild otters and seals are seen in symbiotic relations with the local fishing industry.
Wild foxes that have been endangered in the countryside and set aside for the sport of the gentry are seen playing, hunting and rearing their young in the peaceful haven of a municipal rubbish tip and garden suburbs. The more the camera looks at towns and cities the more wildlife it picks up. City dwellers are not and have never been separated from the natural world, this is the fiction of urbanisation and the mythology of modernity see Clarke b; Latour Living Britain shows a very close relationship between suburban Britain and a very wide and growing range of animals and plants.
Indeed, one of the most important natural habitats for a large number of rare or declining animal and bird species is the British garden.
These include the hedgehog, weasel, dormouse, badger and fox, Red Kite, owl, wren and many others. In the USA we find a similar hybrid history unfolding. Outside the gardens of concerned nature lovers, industrial and commercial landscapes are just as much habitats to animals and birds indifferent to the social spatial classifications of modernity. Disused factories provide abundant new nest sites for rare birds; the most forbidding prospect of myriad pipes in an oil refinery near London provides the perfect resting place for migrating birds; the rooftops of the CBD provide nesting sites and hunting grounds for several urbanised hawks.
However, it is not only the animal and plant species that have discovered these new, albeit strange habitats, their urban human enthusiasts have tuned into their presence on an individual and organised manner. Nature Boy represents the sort of enthusiasm and attachment to nature that can occur in a declining industrial urban complex. David, the hero, may not be an exaggerated figure in late modern cities, since we know that extraordinary passions and enthusiasms for bird watching, fishing and wildlife do develop, especially in urban centres.
The assumption has always been made that their enthusiasm grows in relation to the poverty of city wildlife, but this is unlikely: it is just as likely that such passions grow in relation to the diversity and colour of city and city-edge natures. As Wolch et al. The more one investigates the pathways and exchanges between the so-called natural world and the urban world of humanity, the more it seems to be neither one world nor the other but both.
State of the Environment Unit Joining coyotes, raccoons and other known generalist species, he argues that mountain lions may now be in the process of a critical transition from highly specialist predation to a more broad-based opportunism — as they learn to feed off pets, small wildlife lured by garbage, and the occasional human camper or jogger. Clark a The implications of this renaturalisation of the city are important because it means that as relatively open systems, all sorts of life and recombinations of life are feasible and likely at the same time changing the geography and sociology of interactions between humans and non-humans.
But what is more challenging to our received conceptions of the city and the bodies therein, and our writing of civilisation in general, are the undesigned and undesired resurgences of nature in urban spaces. Cities, he reminds us, are dynamic and open systems, the multiple forms of matter—energy including minerals, biomass and genes which pass through them entering into complex, non-linear relationships whose outcomes tend to exceed the calculations of their human component.
There is something new about our relationship with non-humans and with life itself that has convinced a growing number of urban people that humans and non-humans exist on a common and intimately connected, moral, physical and spiritual field.
Combining aspects of animism, ancient pre-Christian religion in Europe, religious traditions from the East and more recent Christian and secular rituals, neo-paganism is reckoned to be one of the fastest growing religions in the West. There is nothing particularly new about them except that they hybridise hitherto separated categories such as nature and culture , they seek to enchant the world once more with putatively neglected powers and spirits and they wish to take control over their lives and their world by tapping into those forces through a new raft of technologies crystals, witchcraft, possession dancing, shamanism and so on.
Of course, we meet some of this in the colourful bands of neo-tribal nature protesters, but it has not been their beliefs so much as their political campaigns and their role as catalysts for wider political support that has been of interest so far.
David, aka Nature Boy, follows a girlfriend who has joined a neo-tribe-like band of road protesters currently in full campaign against a road development. David, the ordinary working-class teenager is not impressed with the tribal ritual posturing of the protesters, their inability to feed themselves from the woods and streams where they were camped or their camping and tunnel making on a flood-prone site.
In this way, the makers of Nature Boy are underlining the point being made here, that for all its fanfare and colour, environmentalism does not exhaust or even tap into the more embedded natures of modernity; that there are beliefs, practices, knowledges and histories of the mundane, ordinary and everyday that are as important to understand even for the narrower focus of environmental politics.
This book came about as a result of teaching a new multidisciplinary course called The Sociology of Nature which reviewed the huge growth in research and publications on the interface between humanity and the natural world as well as works in history anthropology, sociology and philosophy over the course of the twentieth century. In addition my research over the past eight years has been concerned with such topics as animals and modern cultures, nature tourism, food and nature, gardening and other nature leisures and sports.
Furthermore, PCA is incapable of handling missing and below-detection-limit data often observed in some measurements in developing countries.
The UNMIX modeling, developed by Henry , is one of the most useful receptor models, using the multivariate method. Simple two-element scatter plots of the ambient data provide a basis for understanding the UNMIX model. For example, a straight line and high correlation for Al versus Si can indicate a single source for both species soil , while the slope of the line gives information on the composition of the soil source.
In the same data set, iron may not plot on a straight line against Si, indicating other sources of Fe in addition to soil.
More importantly, the Fe-Si scatter plot may reveal a lower edge. The Potential Source Contribution Function PSCF combines the aerosol data with air parcel backward trajectories to identify potential source areas and the preferred pathways that give rise to the observed high aerosol concentrations at the receptor point. For secondary pollutants, the high PSCF area may also include areas where secondary formation is enhanced. In the previous four sections, commonly applied techniques for source apportionment were discussed.
Before a source apportionment method is selected, based on the steps discussed in this Chapter, apportionment methodologies should be fully developed, made technically viable, available in the public domain, and ready for regulatory application.
The resources required to apply a particular source apportionment system should be clearly understood. Also, it should be known how many people, how much time, and how much money is required to start and maintain an assessment of source contributions.
Otherwise, it is unlikely that a regulatory or research program would be established with the amount of support needed to do the work correctly. If factor analysis is to be used, at least 50 samples need to be collected for each size fraction.
For chemical mass balance, the number of samples is not as important. Samples with low and high loading should be analyzed to gain an understanding of the sources impacting these episodes. As resources devoted to receptor-based source apportionment increase, carbonaceous aerosol sampling and analysis could be added. Additionally, more sampling sites and longer sampling programs could be added.
Finally, developing local source profiles is also an important consideration as AQMS resources become available. The purpose of this Chapter is to gain an understanding of the motivations behind and barriers to, the adoption of certain methodologies for source apportionment, and results and recommendations based on the apportionment. Table 4. For most of these areas, the case study serves an important need by allowing a better understanding of the characterization and sources of air pollution city-wide.
It is important to note that for these studies, choices made on the analysis techniques and methodologies, specific sampling periods and frequency, spatial resolution, and data accuracy must be considered in interpreting the data. Although the studies provide valuable information about a range of cities, they do not cover all locations and times, even within the same urban area.
This gives policy makers the opportunity to implement cost-effective strategies in controlling pollutant emissions. During the process of evaluating the case studies, a questionnaire presented in Annex 5 was prepared and administered to generate feedback from institutions working on source apportionment methodologies.
At the same time, a full literature survey was conducted for similar studies. Studies presented in this Chapter focus on developing country cities only. From these tables, general observations and recommendations are made.
Shanghai China Results and Recommendations For the receptor analysis, the project team developed source profiles representative of Shanghai, such as small or medium size boilers, metallurgy boilers, cement kilns, and dust on representative roads. Box 4. Of the PM2. Figure 4. Some of the source contributions are combined for simplicity. The total number of usable samples are —4 seasons, 7 sites, 15 samples per season sampled only for one month in each season.
Sampling Equipment: High volume PM2. Measured Concentrations: Annual average PM2. Source: Personal correspondence with Prof.
In Shanghai, the results suggest that industry and power plants account for more than 50 percent of the PM2. This study was conducted with limited resources and focused only on elements and ions in PM2. The EC and OC part of the sample, which accounts for 25 percent of the sample, was not analyzed and was considered as total carbon.
Further analysis of the carbon sample could result in more refined source apportionment results. This study employed organic molecular analysis for receptor modeling and also included PSCF analysis via back trajectory analysis for the period of April, , which included a storm out of the Gobi desert. The PMF analysis conducted by the team captures that event. Average PM2. Results suggest that the total contribution from secondary aerosols was the most substantial and accounted for more than 30 percent annually.
These contributions likely result from coal and to a lesser degree petroleum product combustion in the city, which accounts for more than 50 percent of their energy supply and possible long range transport from neighboring cities.
This long range transport also reduces the percent contribution of the local pollutants. The transportation sector and road dust account for only 15 percent compared to a total emission contribution of 44 percent of transport and fugitive dust from Figure 2. Similar studies were conducted by others in Beijing, e.
Refer to Annex 7 for additional studies in China. Zheng et al. Over samples were collected in four months for analysis. Sampling Equipment: Two collocated dichotomous samplers at each site. Chemical Analysis: For each sample, mass concentrations were obtained and the chemical composition was analyzed for ions by IC and for metals by XRF spectroscopy. Source: Song et al. It should be noted that this study focused primarily on the carbon matter of the samples and does not include elemental analysis or ions non-carbonaceous which accounts for more than 50 percent of the PM2.
Clearly, the results suggest that the transportation sector is dominating— gasoline and diesel—in fall and winter seasons. Measurement Timeframe: PM samples were collected during fall 13 September to 31 October and winter 1 November to 29 February Measured Concentrations: The average PM2.
Source: Cao et al. Wang et al. Note: Darker colors in map indicate greater source area potential. Bangkok Thailand Results and Recommendations Major conclusions suggested by this study are: the biomass burning contribution to PM2. Measurement Timeframe: Samples were collected from Feb. Bang Na and AIT are the intensive sites with more than 50 samples at each site. Sampling Equipment: Two collocated dichotomous samplers.
Measured Concentrations: hr average PM2. Fine is PM2. The focus is on PM2. In the fine mode, results suggest LRT contributes the most 52 followed by local fossil fuel burning while the local burning and soil dust fugitive dust dominate in the coarse mode.
Three thermal power stations in northern Vietnam consume more than 1. The study does not distinguish between sectors other than motor vehicles or fuels for estimating local burning and this is likely to include some more of the transportation emissions. Coal is widely used for cooking in the city and for producing bricks and pottery in the suburban areas.
The most popular transportation means for Hanoi residents is the motor-scooter. Up to more than 1. Measurement Timeframe: — Hien et al. Funding Source: NA. Site Characterization: PM2. Note: Results above are the average of three stages presented in the paper. Emissions from various sources including brick manufacturing, cast iron foundry, copper foundry, lead smelting, refuse burning, Mazot oil combustion, refuse burning, and restaurants were sampled.
Individual motor vehicle emissions were sampled from heavyand light-duty diesel vehicles, spark ignition automobiles, and motorcycles. Major contributors to PM10 included geological material, mobile source emissions, and open burning.
Depending on the sites, major contributors to PM10 included geological material, mobile source emissions, and open burning. Aside from the extremely high mass levels, two unusual features emerged. First, most sites had high levels of ammonium chloride during the two sampling periods. Second, lead concentrations were very high during the winter sampling period at Shobra.
Eighty percent of the lead contribution was in the PM2. Most of this lead was in the form of fresh emissions from secondary smelters in the vicinity. Abu-Allban et al. Funding Source: U. Source: Personal correspondence with Dr. The source apportionment study found that residential coal combustion is by far the greatest source of air pollution, accounting for 61 percent of PM2. Contributions from secondary ammonium sulfate are three—four times greater than from ammonium nitrate, accounting for 5—6 percent of PM mass, sulfates primarily originated from residential coal combustion.
Engelbrecht, et al. Measurement Timeframe: Samples collected every day for 24 hours. Samples taken during midwinter in July, Samplers on roof-tops of buildings. Site Characterization: Three ambient sites in black township represent residential coal combustion and other activities road transport.
One background site in Villiers, an adjacent white residential area. Measured Concentrations: PM2. As a result the available analysis is limited. Although not comprehensive, the list of air pollution sources includes light and heavy-duty motor-vehicles, industry, home 44 heating and cooking, as well as fugitive sources such as biogenic emissions and dust.
Preliminary results suggest 35—65 percent of the PM 10 was of geologic origin and Contact Information: Dr. Johann P. Etyemezian et al. Source: Etyemezian et al. Because Addis Ababa is not highly industrialized, the sources of carbon that are important on the urban scale are limited to gasoline and diesel vehicles, as well as biomass burning for residential heating and cooking. Study recommendations include a proposal for multi-year study, or permanent monitoring station, which would provide better assessment of the long-term temporal trends.
Due to use of biomass in poorly ventilated areas for home heating and cooking, indoor air pollution is a more critical problem than outdoor pollution in this region and needs immediate attention.
Growing construction activity also contributing to the fugitive dust is the leading demand source for brick kilns and burning of biomass and low quality coal for brick making. Similar procedures and methodologies are being developed for other Bangladeshi cities, e. Preliminary work is being conducted at Rajshahi station.
The results are presented below. The work in the other two cities is in Contact Information: Dr. Measurement Timeframe: Sampling began in On an average samples per year. Samples collected every 24 hrs. The samples for this study were collected during June to June in Dhaka and August — May in Rajshahi. Receptor Model: PMF. Swapan K. In this work, the particles were analyzed for organic carbon, graphitic carbon, metals, and ions, and the hydrocarbons found in organic carbon were further subjected to detailed speciation.
The summer monsoonal trends were captured in the measurements followed by highest levels of fine particulates were measured in winter. On the other hand, inland Delhi experienced high concentrations throughout the year. There is a need to conduct several source tests for diesel and gasoline combustion using vehicles representing the local vehicle fleet diesel trucks, three-wheel auto-rickshaws.
Site Characterization: Site locations in Mumbai, New Delhi, and Kolkata are considered urban residential and Chandigarh as rural residential and as a background site upwind of New Delhi.
Measurement Timeframe: Samples were collected for 24 hours, every sixth day for one month during each of the four seasons of in Delhi, Mumbai, and Kolkata. The selected four months were: March spring , June summer , October autumn , and December winter. In Chandigarh, samples were collected only during summer. Sampling Equipment: Caltech built, PM2. Filter Types: PM2. Armistead G. However, organic speciation work was not concluded.
Magnitude of calculation for Mumbai suggests that the two will give consistent results, though may differ quantitatively. The Contact Information: Prof. Measurement Timeframe: Two sampling campaigns were carried out continuously during the wintertime of June 10th until September 10th and summertime of January 16th until March 6th.
The summertime campaign was carried out 10 km from downtown, in a mostly residential region. Sampling Equipment: Stacked Filter Units. The average PM2.
Source: Prof. From Figure 2. Note that the sampling period is from to and emissions are from year The sampling campaigns carried out in the winter and summer periods resulted in similar aerosol source apportionments Box 4.
Wind trajectories suggest that industrial emissions came from large northern point sources, whereas soil aerosols came from the southwest and increased in concentration during dry conditions. Elemental markers for fuel oil combustion, correlated strongly with a large SO2 plume to suggest an anthropogenic, rather than volcanic, emissions source. The study did not classify the contribution of the transportation sector.
Measurement Timeframe: Samples of PM2. Source: Johnson et al. Note: In the paper, Johnson et al. Pie diagram represents results from the three stages combined and averaged for uniformity with other studies. Back trajectories are for April 9th and 10th, , respectively indicating long range transport of pollutants.
Funding Source: Site Characterization: Las Condes sampling station is located in the eastern part of the city, close to the Andes, about meters. Measurement Timeframe: Aerosol sampling was performed during wintertime , with a hour sampling time from July 4 to August 31, Source: Dr.
There is a large inter-relationship between several air pollution sources, due to the common variability caused by the meteorological conditions. Sulfate particles are also an important component, mainly originating from gas-to-particle conversion from SO2 from the smelters. Didyk et al. Contact Information: Prof. This project is intended to introduce, demonstrate, and apply the source apportionment techniques presented in this report, in order to assist with air quality management in Hyderabad and provide a unique opportunity to evaluate the initial IES inventory results.
In doing so, this project will generate more detailed information on the chemical composition of ambient particulate matter, will further strengthen the technical support for policy makers to make informed environmental management decisions, and improve air quality management in Hyderabad.
Determine the major sources contributing to elevated levels of PM10 and PM2. Sarath Guttikunda formerly with WB, U. Train and build capacity in source apportionment analysis and application. Strengthen local environmental management and decision making capacity. Support industrial and transportation measures that integrate cleaner energy technologies with environmental management techniques.May 23, · Volume 95 Number Sexual assault rules change at Harvard sage message as it was in the venues lawn section, which irregularly con contracted [email protected] WHAT ADEAL*^ 2 Blks to Norman. 2BD/IBA Apt. Pets OK A/C. $